Part I -- ROOTS AND STRATEGIES OF THE COLD WAR BEFORE REAGAN

Chapter 2 – Marxism-Leninism Communist Roots of the Cold War to the Eve of the Second World War—1848 to 1939

of political choices and notions of freely-given consent. There was no civil society, religious conscience, art, etc. separate from total government control and supervision. Dissent, rejection, neutrality, and independence were all criminal offenses.
 
Anti-Communist Opponents of Lenin’s Regime. Lenin’s many opponents in the Soviet Union disputed his radical ideology and the Bolshevik party’s readiness to sabotage, punish, attack, and suppress contradictory views and parties. They rejected his reactionary, backward-looking coup and his collaboration with Imperial Germany. They deeply opposed his systemic propaganda and lies about “bread, peace, and land,” as well as his violent imposition of a total dictatorship demonstrably far more tyrannical than any Czar could have imagined and kept in power by brutal Red Army forces, political commissars, and the Cheka. Lenin’s opponents included broad swaths of the population, especially in the countryside, that wanted to continue on the Russian Provisional Government’s progressive path of free competitive elections, real reforms, and the flourishing of civil society.
 
Opposition, Civil War, and External Soviet Aggression. Leaders of the opposition to Lenin included leaders and members of Provisional Government coalition parties. Some politicians like Kerensky escaped the Communist dragnet at the time of Lenin’s coup, as did some military leaders, including generals Kornilov, Denikin, Romanovsky, Lukomsky, Markov, and Admiral Kolchak, who had all fought in defense of Russia and its people against Imperial Germany. These opponents generally bore allegiance to the Provisional Government, and they were joined by Stolypin-style reformists and by forces of many groups and areas throughout Russia. They included military elements like the Czech Legion, Cossack cavalry, the “white” alliance who fought against Lenin’s “reds” in the Russian Civil War, and a few who supported the deposed Czar’s restoration.
 
External Soviet Aggression. The so-called “red-white” civil war of the next two years expanded rapidly as Lenin launched cross-border Red Army invasions and aggressive Soviet imperialistic ventures against the Ukraine, the Baltics, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and other peoples and nations seeking post-First World War self-determination. Such rights had been promised by Lenin in his “Peace Declaration” and were proclaimed in the Versailles Treaty and the new Covenant of the League of Nations, which Lenin had not signed, but which were important for the Western democracies.
 
Soviet Lies about Western “Military Intervention.” To hide Soviet betrayals of hopes for freedom and independence on the part of the Russian people and their neighbors and to obscure major Soviet imperial interventions abroad, a key Soviet founding myth claims Western “intervention” and “encirclement” threats to the Soviet regime as legitimizing all Soviet actions against Lenin’s opponents both inside Russia and abroad. It was propagandistically claimed that Western democracies had massively intervened in Russia’s civil war with major military forces to promote imperialistic aims and restore the Russian Czar. Yet, the Allies were focused on winning the “Great War” for democracy and securing peace and had worked with the Russian Provisional Government. They no more desired a restoration of the deposed Russian Czar than they would have sought the restoration of Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany following the latter’s November 9, 1918 abdication and exile.
 
German Advances in Russia Increase Western Concerns and Guard Troops. The war raged on the Western Front until the Allied armistice with Germany on November 11, 1918. Before that event, the Western allies were seriously concerned that the year-earlier Soviet cease-fire of November 1917, the Soviet-German Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918, and German military representatives working with the new German diplomatic mission that arrived in Moscow in April 1918, might lead to ready German access to the large stocks of military supplies the Allies had been sending to their Russian ally to fight the German invaders. These supplies were located at several Russian sea ports and railway installations in facilities administered by relatively small numbers of Allied troops. To protect these supplies, and with some British and French hope of creating a meaningful liaison with “white” anti-Soviet Russian forces, additional Allied military teams were sent to Murmansk, Archangel, Vladivostok, and several other such facilities beginning in April 1918.
 
The situation in Vladivostok, on Russia’s Pacific coast, was complicated by a small Japanese military presence that arrived early in April to protect its citizens against possible Soviet actions by Red Army units sent to suppress an uprising by several tens of thousands of Czech Legion troops that had left the Eastern front, hoped to fight for their homeland, and were joined by anti-Communist Russian units under Admiral Kolchak. The Japanese numbers grew by several tens of thousands of troops in September, and some headed for the Trans-Siberian Railway. Also in September, American troops arrived in Vladivostok, sent by President Wilson to rescue
 
[Book pg. 34]

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